Ang Squid Game at ang Misteryo ng Hapis

Salamat sa ilang konteksto at ideya mula kay Chris Catt ng “Creepy Catalog”. Paalala, hindi sa akin ang mga litrato/larawan sa akda. Shoutout at salamat sa mga may-ari nito.

Sa totoo lang, nahumaling din ako sa palabas. Sino ba namang makakaisip na yung pagkapanalo sa mga larong pambata ang siyang literal na magsasalba sa buhay ng mga sumali sa Squid Game. Sa kabilang banda naman, kapag natalo ka sa larong pambata, literal na katapusan na ng buhay mo.

Para tulungan ang sarili ko na intindihin ang palabas sinubukan kong ilatag ang mga elemento na pinanggagalingan ng “gigil” ko para sa palabas;

  1. Ang mananalo sa Squid Game ay may cash price na 45.6 Billion Won ($38.6 million o 1,957,406,000.00 as of October 17, 2021)
  2. Ang kabuuan ng istorya ay umikot sa kung papaano mananalo ang mga kalahok sa mga palarong pambata
  3. Ang matatalo sa bawat serye ng laro ay papatayin, sa harap ng mga kapwa manlalaro
  4. Handang isugal ng mga kalahok ang kanilang buhay para lamang sa number 1.
  5. Malaking bahagi ng kuwento ay tungkol sa debt o pagkaka-utang
  6. Lutang pa rin ang agwat ng mayaman at mahirap, at ang katotohanang sulsol pa rin ng mayayamang nais malibang at nais paglaruan ang kahirapan ng maraming gipit na tao

Samakatuwid, ang istorya ay tungkol talaga sa isang taong mayaman (o grupo ng mayayaman) na nais manipulahin ang mga tao na baon sa utang at handang isugal ang buhay (hanggang kamatayan) sa pamamagitan ng pagsali sa mga larong pambata para manalo ng 45.6 Billion Won.

Sa tingin ko, naging matagumpay ang writer at direktor nitong si Hwang Dong-hyuk para pagtagni-tagniin ang mga elementong ito sa isang palabas. At dahil ramdam at aktuwal na katotohanan ang anim (6) na pangyayaring/katotohanan na nabanggit ko sa itaas, naging madali para sa mga manonood na ilagay ang kanilang sarili sa sinuman sa mga mga karakter ng Squid game.

Sa madaling salita, lumitaw ang pagiging unibersal ng mga isyu hinggil sa pagkaka-utang (debt), pagmamanipula ng mga mayayaman (hindi lahat) para sa pansariling kaligayahan, at ang desperation ng maraming mahihirap o baon sa utang na gagawin ang lahat para lamang maka-igpaw mula sa kinasadlakan nilang kalagayan; kahit pa katumbas nito ang kanilang buhay.

Ang isyu ng pagkaka-utang, ang malayong agwat ng mayaman at mahirap, ang desperation ng mga mahihirap at ang kamatayan ay mga pangyayaring talamak hindi lamang sa Korea (kung saan ginawa ang pelikula), kundi maging sa maraming mga bansa gaya ng Pilipinas.

Kung titingin tayo sarili nating kalagayan, sa konteksto ng Pilipinas, hindi maitatangging naka-relate tayo sa istorya ng Squid Game sa maraming aspeto. Aminado tayo na aktuwal din nating nararanasan o may kakilala tayong nakakaranas ng mga isyung nabanggit sa itaas. Pasalamat tayo sa palabas dahil una, nalibang tayo at nagkaroon ng pagkakataong malibang sa isang serye na swak sa ating kalagayan at pagka-Pilipino. Pangalawa, pasalamat tayo at nadiskubre nating hindi lang pala mga Pilipino ang nakakaranas ng pagkaka-utang, ng paglalaro ng mga mayayaman at makapangyarihan at pagsusugal ng sariling buhay para sa inaasam na ginahawa.

Nalibang tayo at natauhan na kahit na anong bansa, kahit na anong kalagayan sa buhay, laging may tunggalian sa mga laro ng buhay sa pagitan ng mahirap at mayaman. At sa maraming pagkakataon, ang mga “game master” lagi ang may hawak ng rules at kahihinatnan ng mga manlalarong nagigipit sa kanilang ekonomikal na kalagayan.

Mga Zombies, at ang Pagkatuyo ng Utak ng mga Panatiko

Paano kung isang araw, bigla mo na lang nadiskubre na yung mga kasama mo sa bahay, nawalan na ng kakayahang umunawa sa kung ano ang mali at tama? Yung tipong kahit nakabalandra na sa pagmumukha nila ang datos at pruweba (scientific evidence man o kahit simpleng rason), nawawalan na sila ng sense of sanity at sasabihin na lang sayo na “sinisiraan lang nila si Tatay…”

Hindi ko alam kung dahil lang ito sa katol na nasinghot ko, o dahil sa pagbabad ko na rin nang matagal sa isang colony ng zombies, pero pakiramdam ko, parang parami sila nang parami. At habang tumatagal, hindi ko na mawari kung mahalaga pa ba ang rason, ebidensiya, numero, siyensiya at etika para maging batayan sa paniniwala (o pagsampalataya sa isang kandidato). Sa haba ng panahon ng pakiki-panirahan ko sa kanila, aysus, mukhang kahit ako ay tatakasan na rin ng pang-unawa.

Habang sinusulat ko ito, una kong naisip na magpresenta ng mga datos, empirical evidences at historical notes para ilatag ang gusto kong sabihin na tungkol sa paksa, pero para que? Baka masayang lang ang mga impormasyon at panahon, naalala ko, hindi marunong umunawa ng rason ang zombies.

Sabi sa Wikipedia: zombie / zom · bi / is a person who is dead but has become a corpse that has come to life and moves by the power of witchcraft . It is a legendary dead person who returns to being “alive” or moves as a walking corpse.

Ito ang dillema ko ngayon. Marami sa mahal sa buhay ng mga mahal ko ay zombies. Papaano na ang mga anak ko? Nakakahawa ba ang pagiging zombie kahit hindi ka nito makagat? Paano kung isang araw sa sobrang paglublob ko sa ganitong kapaligiran ay maging zombie ako unti-unti?

Puta, wala na akong rason para mabuhay pa kung magka gayon. Kaya habang nasa husto pa akong kaisipan, let me state the fact na in my sane self, I will never ever appreciate and accomodate the idea of another Duterte nor his ally, to lead my country to despair in the coming six years.

Totoo bang Federalism ang peg ngayon ng maraming Filipino?

Things to know about Federalism: Para naman di Tayo Eengot-engot at Basta lang “Mayma” sa Social Media

Federalism as a form of government for the Philippines was endorsed as early as Emilio Aguinaldo and Apolinario Mabini. The initial goal was to make the Philippines politically divided into three federal states, i.e. Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.
Fast-forward. Unang pinanggigilan ni propesor Jose Abueva ng University of the Philippines ang konsepto ng Federalism na nagsabing ang federal form of government ay kailangan para matugunan ang mga pangangailangan ng mamamayan sa gitna ng pagkakaiba-iba ng mga Filipino sa kultura, paniniwala at kaugalian.
Bukod kay Abueva, si Senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. ay isa ring prominent supporter ng federalism simula pa nung 2001. He sees the proposed system as a key component in alleviating the Mindanao crisis at mapapa-amo ang mga Moro insurgents. Kumbaga, may matinding pangangailangan na pahupain ang nagngangalit na mga aktuwalidad ng mga kapatid na Moro para sa kanilang “pagsasarili”. Pero teka, when I say pagsasarili, hindi ito ung pwede mong maisip na gawin kapag nag-iisa lang tayo sa kubeta.

Dibuho ni Joshua Rioja, Philippine Collegian

Ang Layunin ng Federalism

“The primary goal of a constitutional amendment in favor of federalism is to increase decentralization, greater local power and access to resources most especially among regions outside Metro Manila which has long been dubbed as rather Imperial Manila.”

Malaking aspeto ng pederalismo ang pagpapababa ng kapangyarihang makapamahala ang mga lungsod at siyudad natin, kasama na rin ang pagsasarili sa decision-making pagdating sa pag-gamit at pag-maximize sa mga natural na resources o yaman ng isang lungsod, nang walang masyadong panghihimasok ng national government, sa madaling salita…. ng Malacanang……

Kung hindi lalagyan ng malisya at masamang intensiyon, nakikita na may malaking potensiyal ang pagtatatag ng isang pederalistang gobyerno lalo na sa pagpapabilis ng paglago ng ekonomiya ng isang lungsod o probinsiya. Federalism is believed to facilitate economic development, considering that resources and finance will be under the discretion of each state or province, without too much intervention or constraint from the central government. Well, provided that our provincial and state leaders are genuinely free from corruption practices!

Subukan nating balikan kung sino-sino nga ba ang mga unang nagpakana at nag-isip na i-eksperimento ang konsepto ng pederalismo sa ating bansa. Isa-isahin natin.

Sino-sino ang nagpakana ng Federalism sa Pipinas? Lakbayin natin….

  1. Isinulong ni Senator Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. ang Joint Resolution No. 10, na magbabago sa 1987 constitution. Sa nasabing joint resolution, hahatiin ang bansa sa 11 na “autonomous regions” na magiging mga sento ng finance and development sa kapuluan. Sa ilalim ng naturng inisyatiba, ang bansa ay mahahati sa 11 na estado, at isang federal administrative region. (Wikipedia)

Hind sa akin ang litrato, mula sa internet
Sinasabi sa joint resolution ang ilang mga mungkahi sa pagpili ng pinuno gaya election of senators na nakabase sa state, pagkakaroon ng mga senators na-nagrere-present sa overseas voters at ang pagkakaroon ng state governor and vice-governor bilang isang team.
Sa panukala ding ito, tatanggalin ang Judicial and Bar Council na pumipili ng mga nominees para sa judiciary. Na naturang proposal, ang legislative department ay malilipat sa State of Central Visayas habang ang judiciary ay malilipat naman sa of Northern Luzon. Mananatiling nasa Federal Administrative Region of Metro Manila ang Executive Department.

Ang Pag-ayuda sa House Concurrent Resolution No. 15

Sa parehas ding taon, naglapag ng baraha si Rep. Monico O. Puentevella noong May 7, 2008. Isinusulong ni Puentebella ang House Concurrent Resolution No. 15, na sinusuportahan ang Senate Resolution No. 10 na kinatigan ng 16 na senators.

Hindi katulad ng Senate Resolution ni Senator Nene Pimentel, ang “Puentevella resolution” ay nagsusulong ng option na magsagawa ng isang constitutional convention, pero ii-etsapwera People’s Initiative na pamamaraan. (kanya-kanya na lang google sa Constitutional Convention at People’s Initiative, hahaba na masyado tong discussion).

Inaasahan na ang joint Senate resolution ay magiging daan para sa paglikha ng labing-isa (11) na federal states, sa pamamagitan ng pag-convene sa Congress bilang isang constituent assembly, para sa layuning i-revise ang 1987 Constitution patungo sa pagtatatag ng isang federal na gobyerno.

  1. Halos 15,000 katao ang nagtipon sa Makati para tutulan ang proposed charter amendment suggested by then President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Tutol sila sa anila’y pag-endorso ni Arroyo sa naturang charter amendment, dahil maaaring maabuso nito ang ilang probisyon ng naturang batas para palawigin ang kanyang termino. Sad. Sa hiwalay na datos ng Pulse Asia (2006-2009), 42% ng mga respondents ay ayaw sa CHACHA ni GMA.

Eh sumingit ang Joint Resolution No. 10……..

Samantala, plano naman Joint Resolution No. 10 na baguhin o rebisahin ang Articles 14 at 18 ng 1987 Philippine Constitution at ang pagdadagdag ng dalawa pang bagong articles para pagtibayin ang federal presidential bicameral form of government.

The above resolution was supported by Senators Aquilino Q. Pimentel, Jr., Edgardo Angara, Rodolfo Biazon, Pia Cayetano, Juan Ponce Enrile, Francis “Chiz” Escudero, Jinggoy Estrada, Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Francis Pangilinan, Ramon “Bong” Revilla, Manuel “Manny” Villar). Hala ka.

  1. Mayor pa lang si Presidente Rodrigo Duterte ay nagka-kampanya na para sa federalism, na ayon sa kanya ay magpa-“facilitate better delivery of services to the people.” He also argued that the “distribution of public funds is disproportionately biased in favor of Manila”. And being a son of Mindanao himself, Duterte added that Federalism may be a key solution to address the problems in Mindanao, particularly ethno-religious conflicts.
    It was also in this year that the Bangsamoro Basic Law was submitted by then President Benigno Aquino III to Congress in September 10, 2014. This further intensified various calls for Federalism, considering that this law, and its structure would prove for a better and more decentralized system of governance for the rest of the country. Hanggang sa sandaling ito, isina-alang-alang pa rin ang magiging kabutihan ng naturang batas, hindi lang sa “sangkatagalugan”, kundi maging sa ating mga kapatid na Muslim sa Mindanao, lalung-lalo na sa usapin ng kapayapaan.

Eto na, dito na umarangkada……

  1. President-elect Rodrigo Duterte revealed his plan of initiating a national plebiscite for Federalism, which he is vying to implement in 2 years time, so that would be this current year, 2018. Consistent din naman pala minsan ang Pangulo. Kaya noong December 2016, Duterte signed E.O. No. 10, creating a consultative committee to review the 1987 Constitution. Tanong: sino-sino ba ang napili para pag-aralan ang 1987 Constitution, tingin ko may pangalan yan, paki-google na lang. Paki-kilatis na din kung kanino sila alyado at sinu-sino naka-kabit na mga pangalan.

Na sinundutan nito ……

  1. The Alvarez proposal (Ang Mr. “S” ng Kongreso

In 2017, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez’s vision for a federal Philippines called for 14 states: 7 in Luzon, 2 in Visayas and 5 in Mindanao. He also proposed that the capital of the Philippines under a federal government should be somewhere in Negros island saying that it would be accessible to all people from the three island groups. Pero sabi ng ilang kritiko…weh, di nga?

Proposed states by House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez (2017) ayon sa interpretasyon ng wikkipedia
Luzon
Visayas
Mindanao
Bicol
Ilocos
Metro Manila
Mimaropa
Central Luzon
Southern Tagalog
Unnamed I.P. State (Igorot)
Eastern Visayas
Western Visayas
Eastern Mindanao
Western Mindanao
Unnamed Moro State (Sulu Archipelago)
Unnamed Moro State (Maguindanao / Lanao del Sur)
Unnamed I.P. State (Lumads)

  1. Bersiyon ng House Sub-Committee 1

Just recently, the Sub-Committee 1 of the House of Representatives Committee on Constitutional Amendments proposed that a federal Philippines would comprise of five states. Each states to be led by a premiere as its executive head will have a State Assembly according to the proposal. (Wikkipedia)

The proposal has been hit by massive criticism due to general lumping and a lack of representation. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federalism_in_the_Philippines#cite_note-27)

Samantala, nagsalita na rin ang 11 members ng Commission na gumawa ng 1987 Constitution, at sinasabing maraming mga katananungan ang dapat munang sagutin sa konteksto ng isinusulong na Federalism ng administrasyon.

Sinasabi ng mga gumawa ng 1987 Constitution ay makaka-gambala lamang para mag-concentrate tayo sa mga mas mahahalagang isyu ng lipunan, halimbawa, ang EJK, malawakang kahirapan, political dynasties at ang pagsasa-walang bahala sa rule of law.

Naninindigan ang mga miyembro ng Komisyon na ang present Constitution is not actually the real problem, sa halip ay part siya ng solution. Idinagdag pa nilang sapat na ang Local Government Code of the Philippines, para matiyak na maparating sa baba ang kapanyarihan at resources ng sentralisadong pamahalaan, amyendahan lanag ang ilang mga probisyon ng naturang batas.

Isa pang mahalagan isyu sa panukalang Pderalismo ay kung papaano magiging transparent ang buong proseso ng transition mula sa kasalukuyang kaayusan ng gobyerno. Mahalaga na dapat makuha ang tiwala ng mga Filipino sa mangunguna sa pagbabalangas ng Pederalismo upang maiwasan ang sinasabing “terra incognita” o isang paglalakbay na walang mapa.

Sa isang statement na ipinalabas sinasabi ng mga gumawa ng 1987 Constitution na ang kailangan ng bansa sa ngayon ay an pagpapalalim sa ating demokrasya, gawing mas makatarungan at para sa lahat ang ating ekonomiya, at mapanatiling narerespeto ang karapatan at kapayapaan ng nakararami.

Sama-samang pinirmahan ng mga arkitekto ng 1987 Constitution ang mga pahayag na ito; kasama sila Felicitas Aquino-Arroyo, Adolfo Azcuna, Teodoro Bacani, Florangel Rosario Braid, Hilario Davide Jr, Edmundo Garcia, Jose Luis Martin Gascon, Christian Monsod, Ricardo Romulo, Jaime Tadeo, and Bernardo Villegas.

Tumagos ba ang Pederalismo sa utak at puso Juan dela Cruz?

A Pulse Asia Survey for March 2018 would give us a hint on this. The said findings were part of Pulse Asia’s Ulat ng Bayan survey.
According to Pulse Asia, this survey was based on a sample of 1,200 representative adults 18 years old and older. The survey has a 3% margin of error at a 95% confidence level.
FEDERALISM, HUH?
Sa nasabing survey, pinakita na 71% ng respondents ay kakaunti o walang nalalaman sa isinusulong na federal form of government.
Sa 71% na ito, 43% have little knowledge while 27% have almost no knowledge or knew nothing at all about the proposed system of government.

“Lack or absence of awareness is reported by most Filipinos across geographic areas and socio-economic classes (62% to 79% and 64% to 75%, respectively),” the Pulse Asia survey said.
“Big pluralities in most geographic areas and all socio-economic groupings (41% to 45% and 42% to 50%, respectively) have little knowledge while nearly the same percentages in the rest of Luzon have either little knowledge or almost no/no knowledge at all about the proposed federal system (45% versus 34%),” survey found. The survey also showed that about a third of its respondents believed they have a “great deal or sufficient amount of knowledge about the issue.” Another 22% told Pulse Asia that they had enough knowledge about the subject while only 7% claim “to know a great deal about the proposed federal system.
Based on geographic areas and socio-economic groupings, “sufficient knowledge levels vary from 14% to 34% and 21% and 32%, respectively.”
Those survey respondents who claimed to know a great deal about federalism ranged from as low as 1% to 18% and 4% and 8% respectively.
Based from the data above, it is obvious that a great deal of population needs a lot of explaining when it comes to federalism. Sure enough.
RESISTANCE

The Pulse Asia March 2018 Ulat ng Bayan Survey on Charter Change also showed that a sizable number of Filipinos were not in favor of changing the present system of government to a federal form.
The survey found that the “prevailing sentiment among Filipinos is one of opposition to replacing the present unitary system of government with a federal one.” About 66% of the survey respondents supported this view.
“Majority levels of opposition are posted in each geographic area and socio-economic class (54% to 75% and 60% to 71%, respectively),” the survey reported.
More than a third of survey respondents in Metro Manila and 40% of those in Mindanao were against the change of government “whether now or in the future.”
A similar percentage was reported for the rest of Luzon and the Visayas region.
IN FAVOR OR AMBIVALENT?

The survey found that those supportive of federalism accounted for 27% while 6% were ambivalent. “Levels of support range from 17% to 42% across geographic areas and from 25% to 36% in the different socio-economic classes,” the survey reported.
More survey respondents in Metro Manila, the Visayas region and Mindanao (33% to 42%) were found to be supportive of federalism “than in the rest of Luzon (17%).”
Those ambivalent or undecided were found to range from 25% to 9% and from 4% to 7% across geographic areas and socio-economic groupings, the Pulse Asia survey on the matter said.
CHARTER CHANGE

The same survey also found that almost half (49%) of Filipinos who answered the survey were aware of proposals to change the 1987 Constitution while about one out of four survey respondents were in favor of changing the charter now.
The survey also reported that “majority levels of awareness” were posted in Metro Manila (52%), the rest of Luzon (56%), Class ABC (60%) and Class D (51%).
“In contrast, most of those in the Visayas (66%), Mindanao (53%), and Class E (65%) have not read, or watched anything about the recent charter change proposals in the country,” the Pulse Asia survey said. (See Table 1)
Pulse Asia found this significant because it showed that more Filipinos were more aware of the issue of charter change compared to a similar Pulse Asia survey which was conduced in July 2016. The 2016 survey reported only 41% of survey respondents were aware of what charter change was all about.
However, Pulse Asia added in its analysis, its survey for September and November 2014 on the charter change issue showed the highest level of awareness on the said issue was at 61%.
According to Pulse Asia, public support for charter change had declined during the period from July 2016 to March 2018 (minus 14 percentage points) while opposition became more pronounced (plus 20 percentage points).
CONSTITUTIONAL KNOWLEDGE

Another significant finding of the survey was that three out of every four Filipinos or 75% of the survey respondents have little or no knowledge at all about the Philippine Constitution. Pulse Asia found that these numbers have remained constant since July 2016 to March 2018.
“Sizable to big majority figures are registered across geographic areas and economic classes (70% to 82% and 63% to 82%, respectively),” the survey reported.
“Of the total figure (75%), 42% report having little knowledge and 34% have almost none or no knowledge at all. Nearly to exactly half of Metro Manila (50%), Mindanawons (49%), and those in Class D (44%) have little knowledge while about the same percentages of those in the rest of Luzon, the Visayas, and Classes ABC and D have either little or almost none/no knowledge at all (31% to 44% versus 31% to 39%),” the survey said. (See Table 4).
PUBLIC SUPPORT

As for the level of support for changing the Constitution, the Pulse Asia survey found that “public support for charter change now eases during the period July 2016 to March 2018 (minus 14 percentage points) while opposition becomes more pronounced (plus 20 percentage points).”
Pusle Asia said in its analysis that “similar movements occur in Metro Manila (minus 13 percentage points), the rest of Luzon (minus 15 percentage points), Mindanao (minus 23 percentage points), Class D (minus 15 percentage points), and Class E (minus 11 percentage points).”
“Opposition to charter change becomes more notable during tis period not only at the national level (plus 20 percentage points) but also in Metro Manila (plus 17 percentage points), the rest of Luzon (plus 29 percentage points), Mindanao (plus 22 percentage points), and Class D (plus 24 percentage points),” the survey added.
“In particular the percentage of Filipinos who are absolutely opposed to charter change (i.e., those against charter change now or at any other time), increases by 17 percentage points with similar movements occurring in Metro Manila (plus 17 percentage points), the rest of Luzon (plus 27 percentage point), Mindanao (plus 14 percentage points), Class D (plus 19 percentage points), and Class E (plus 16 percentage points). With respect to indecision, the only notable change between July 2016 to March 2018 occurs in the rest of Luzon (minus 13 percentage points).

Verdict

Given the above, the final say rests on us, the taxpayers; as to how to respond to the seemingly facilitated and orchestrated (to some degree) developments for Charter Change leading to federalism. At the end of the day, we will judge our leaders, including the framers of Federalism, depending on the fate of this Nation 1-2 years hence. But prior to that, I think we still have ample time to do our assignments, and I think, we have to do it fast……

Integrated Urban Organic Farming

Food Sustainability Initiative in Urban Communities in National Capital Region

Marlon B. Fulo

This essay is a discussion on the Integrated Urban Organic Farming Project initially implemented PLAN International in selected barangays in the National Capital Region. Said communal farms are managed by the PLAN’s Community Support Groups in the said areas, and will serve as a resource hub for individual families in the said barangays, with the end in mind of providing livelihood and savings opportunities for the beneficiaries.

For the said project, PLAN, through Muslim Aid Philippines, were able to established three (3) integrated urban organic farms in the above barangays,having components like mushroom production facility, aquaponics facility and an integrated organic farming in its designated farm site.

This report particularly showcases the trainings/workshops and technical assistance provided by Muslim Aid Philippines to CSG members and other members of the communities during and after the implementation of the above-mentioned project. The report also includes the findings made by MAPh’ Community Farm Technicians during their monitoring, especially in the area of farm lot assessment and preparation and the actual installation of farm equipment and implements.

It is worthwhile to note that prior to the execution of the Project, all of the identified barangays practice some components of the project.

In Bagong Silangan, Quezon City for example, majority of the CSG members has their own garden intended for household consumption. In Valenzuela, the barangay local government unit of Ugong has a dedicated Materials Recovery Facility where a garden of vegetables and ornamental plants is installed. Meanwhile, in Potrero, Malabon, the local government unit has implemented a greening program where portions of idle lands are planted with vegetables and medicinal plants. These practices facilitated CSG’s appreciation on the project, eventually leading to their full support and enthusiasm. Muslim Aid Philippines sees the communities’ prior knowledge on gardening and animal-raising as an opportunity for shared learning between MAPh and the CSG members.

The Integrated Urban Organic Farming Project is a composite capacity-building project of various components for urban farming. Specifically, these components include Skills-based urban farming, which includes the production of organic fertilizers and pesticides; Mushroom culture trainings; Animal Husbandry and Aquaponics.

During the period of project implementation, the intended participants cum beneficiaries underwent trainings on topics about the above components. Said trainings are composed of both theoretical and practical courses, to offer optimum learning, both at actual farm sites and at their own prospect community farms.

Gauging from these objectives, the project is set to capacitate members of the community support group under PLAN’s MOVE-UP project, which in the long run would provide wider opportunities for accessing agricultural development opportunities. Part of the said urban farming project is the installation and setting up of Urban Demo Farm. The said Urban Demo Farm will consist of Communal and Household integrated farming systems, which is intended to become sources of livelihood and food augmentation identified poorest households.

Conclusion

On paper, the Integrated Urban Organic Farming project is generally a capacity-building project for identified Community Savings Group (CSG) leaders and members, under the Moving-Up Project Consortium of various INGOs, which includes PLAN International.

As a capacity-building project, beneficiary-partners on the ground were focused on actual trainings, demonstrations, fieldwork and lectures on Skills Based Urban Farming, Gardening (Vertical, Horizontal, wall, container, open space), Fertilizer Production and Application, Pesticides Production and Application, Mushroom Culture, Aquaponics and Animal Husbandry. On top of these trainings were actual coaching and field-based mentoring by Muslim Aid’s Philippines’ Community Farm Technicians. Also integrated in the said project is the provision of Agri-Infrastructure Construction (Animal Cage, Vertical Garden Stall Collapsible, Solar Panel, Floating Garden) to the designated farm lots in Quezon City, Valenzuela City and Malabon.

The Project is a viable jumping board for future endeavors, especially in the area of actual food security and hunger mitigation. While the said project focused mainly on capacity building, it may be considered as a favorable gateway for expanded urban farming in all of the urban centers in Metro Manila. A considerable preparation has been made for the benefit of the MOVE-UP sites, which basically needs mentoring and actual logistical support, come the ending of the MOVE-UP project and the Integrated Urban Organic Farming project.

Meanwhile, the MOVE-UP project, which is basically pre-existent of the Integrated Urban Organic Farming Project, already has coordination mechanisms and implementation structures starting from the Consortium, leading to the projects program manager, down to the Results Officers of each barangay or city, down to the Community Savings Groups (CSGs). On the other hand, Muslim Aid Philippines has a Country Director who oversees the project and is supported by its Community Farm Technicians.

These institution-based coordination mechanisms between PLAN and Muslim Aid Philippines could have been maximized to further strengthen the execution of the project. Certainly, the schedule, safety and local concerns of the CSGs are of primordial concern and that tasks and responsibilities for the project may be treated secondary. However, due to the limited time-frame for project execution, the CSGs and both PLAN and MAPh’s field personnel have innovated coordination mechanisms to compensate the delayed project components.

General Recommendations

Baselining/Endlining and Data gathering and Monitoring Systems

For the actual planting and project replication, it is strongly suggested that implementors take into consideration actual baselining of various project variables like number of expected beneficiaries and partners, actual dimension of proposed sites, a list of vegetable or farm animals to be deployed to farm sites.

Likewise, there should be an interim and post project monitoring system. This will enable implementors some valid and precise data on the status of the inputs provided by PLAN-MAPh. Similarly, implementors may implement a system and technology that would enable them to monitor and assess the status of these project variables in realtime. MAPh proposes to adapt an android based system for the monitoring and actual generation of data in real-time.

Coordination mechanism

While the institution-based coordination mechanism (separate for PLAN and MAPh) did fairly for the smooth implementation of the project, it is proposed that a centralized coordination mechanism be established. This could be done by pooling in representatives from both institutions which will act as a central coordinating body for ground workers, be it from PLAN or MAPh. ALL information pertaining to project implementation will be received and delivered by the said body, to maintain the veracity of information. This can be a venue for clearing the flow of information within the project.

Seed banking

Seed banking process is actually after the actual farming/gardening phase. For the interest of replication and propagation, it is highly encouraged that each farm site should have a seed bank where seeds of different plants are stored and processed, so that it could be given to other households who would like to practice family based farming.

It is worthwhile to note that despite the limited spaces and opportunities to urban settlers, there are still initiatives being undertaken by both local and international players when it comes to food security and climate change adaptation. Policies and laws in the Philippine context should only be enforced to sustain these initiatives, and the communities of can, despite of the lurking social ills, may in their own capacities initiate food production. Sa ganitong paraan, mababawasan na ang kagutuman ng mga maralitang taga-lungsod.

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